The Malaysian Insight

FAULT lines in DAP between the English-educated and Chinese-speaking factions have become more prominent recently with Sg Pelek assemblyman Ronnie Liu’s open criticism of the former, but analysts don’t believe this will cost the multiracial, Chinese-led party too much in terms of votes.

Liu, who is also a party central committee member, has come under fire for criticising the party’s attempts to attract more Malay members and voters, calling this a dilution of DAP’s “Chinese-ness”. 

He has been slammed by party colleagues the likes of Anthony Loke, Hannah Yeoh and Tony Pua, and his views dismissed by veteran Lim Kit Siang. Liu’s detractors are committed to a multiracial DAP and a common Malaysian identity for all.

The tussle over what kind of identity DAP should have is nothing new, even if it rarely surfaces in the mainstream news, analysts said.

Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia academic, Dr Hew Wai Weng, said the search for a defining identity in a party like DAP is to be expected.

“It is expected that DAP will face such controversies. It was in government for a while, and it definitely will not want to remain an opposition party. So these (identity) issues will be there,” said Hew of UKM’s Institute of Malaysian and International Studies (IKMAS) who researches ethnicity and religiosity.

He feels that to be in power and to stay in government, DAP has little choice but to tone down its “Chinese-ness” and take a centrist position as part of being in a plural society.

“Ideally, Chinese identity and Malaysian identity can coexist, but in political reality, you have to choose which to prioritise, decide what compromises can be made, and which issues you must remain committed to.”

In the past, Hew added, DAP had also allowed its supporters to criticise Barisan Nasional’s MCA for Chinese parochialism, and if DAP were to adopt this strategy to maintain its “Chinese-ness”, it would become self-defeating.

In a larger sense, Hew also said, how DAP settles its quest for a Malaysian identity also reflects how Chinese Malaysians need to come to terms with being in a multiracial but Malay-Muslim dominated country.

The recent rift over Liu’s remarks started with the launch of a new book, Thirty Years of Political Ups and Downs, on DAP’s political journey by party veteran Liew Ah Khim, who joined the party in 1966 and has served as both MP and assemblyman. He also held national leadership positions, such as deputy secretary-general, vice-chairman and publicity secretary.

Liu made his remarks about how DAP should not rush to dilute its Chinese-ness. His remarks follow the party’s moves to attract more Malay members and field Malay candidates, and amid recent speculation that DAP could consider cooperating with Umno to form the government after the next general election.

In days to come, more dissent from those aligned with Liu’s thinking can be expected, said political observer Cheah See Kian. This is simply because DAP is a party that began with mostly Chinese support.

Cheah said DAP can continue to focus on the interests of Chinese Malaysians, but also field candidates of different races.

It is a matter of the party being seen as making its own decisions, instead of following along with then prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s views as when DAP was in the Pakatan Harapan federal government.

“For example, don’t just follow Mahathir’s opinions but make a clear stand and have an obvious position that concerns the Chinese community,” Cheah said.

International Islamic University of Malaysia (IIUM) assistant professor Dr Lau Zhe Wei also said that DAP has always been divided into two groups that hold different worldviews.

“Now, because of some remarks, the Chinese-thinking faction has come out in the open.

“But I personally think that it is better for the DAP to follow the approach that the English-speaking faction has, the reason is that this gives DAP the biggest advantage. DAP already has a lot of Chinese support, its approval rate among the Chinese is not a problem.

“It will not cost DAP Chinese votes, as there are only three choices for the Chinese vote – DAP, MCA or Gerakan. 

“So while DAP can retain Chinese votes, it can also gain support from non-Chinese, especially Malay votes,” said Lau.

Lau said he observed DAP’s shift towards a more multiracial stance some 10 years ago by appointing more Malay candidates, especially in the urbanised and most developed state of Selangor.

“This has not necessarily won it more Malay support immediately, so DAP will have to continue its reforms and work hard in subsequent general elections,” Lau added.

As to resolving the party’s identity issues, Lau said DAP secretary-general Lim Guan Eng will have to set the tone.

“Lim’s response determines the line DAP will follow.

“Even after that, there may still be disputes although that is normal in every party, but what is important is that internal disputes are managed so that they do not affect voter support.”

Dr Oh Ei Sun, a senior fellow with the Singapore Institute of International Affairs (SIIA), said how DAP frames its bid to attract Malay votes is important.

“Chinese and Indian voters may be unhappy, thinking that the DAP no longer protects their interest and instead wants to focus on Malays.

“If DAP wants to contest in more Malay constituencies, this might also cause problems with its allies PKR and Amanah.”

Oh and Lau both share the view that DAP’s base support among Chinese and Indian voters is already stable.

What is needed are strategies to maintain this base while reaching Malay voters, and doing both may require different approaches. – April 15, 2021.